TIME: Almanac 1995

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<text id=93CT1588> <link 93HT0834> <link 91TT0218> <title> Angola--History </title> <history> Compact ALMANAC--CIA Factbook Southern Africa Angola </history> <article> <source>CIA World Factbook</source> <hdr> History </hdr> <body> Angola was settled by the Portuguese in the 15th century and remained a Portuguese colony until it received independence in 1975. The first European to reach Angola was the Portuguese explorer Diogo Cao, who landed at the mouth of the Congo River in 1483. The land was then ruled by an African monarch, the King of the Kongo, whose capital became the present day M'banza-Congo (Sao Salvador). In 1490, the Portuguese sent a small fleet of ships carrying priests, skilled workers, and tools to the Kongolese King who received the mission warmly, accepted Christianity, and agreed to send his son, later King Afonso, to Lisbon. Soon, however, the slave trade led to the deterioration of Portugal's relations with King Afonso and his successors, and internal revolts hastened the decline of the Kongo Kingdom. Meanwhile, the Portuguese expanded their contacts southward along the coast, founding Luanda in 1576. In 1641, a Dutch fleet seized the rich slave ports of Luanda and Benguela, and the Portuguese retreated to the interior. They held out stubbornly until 1648, when a powerful expedition from Brazil restored the coast to Portuguese control. The slave trade continued until the mid-19th century, with Angola serving as a major source of supply for Brazilian plantations. Some 3 million Angolans are estimated to have been transported to the New World during the three centuries of the slave trade. Angola's boundaries were formally established by the Berlin West Africa Congress in 1884-85, in which France, Germany, and Portugal won recognition of the borders of their colonies with the Congo. The frontier, including Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia), was established in 1905. Tribal wars and uprisings were common, continuing into the early part of the 20th century, when separate uprisings were put down by the Portuguese in northern, central, and southern Angola. Following World War II, Portuguese interest in colonizing Angola increased considerably. Black and mestico discontent over Portuguese unwillingness to concede eventual independence led to the outbreak of two separate wars for independence in 1961. While initially hard pressed, Portuguese forces gradually reduced the guerrilla efforts of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) to relatively low levels. The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), began a third movement against the Portuguese in the late 1960s but generally was no more effective than the others. Open dissension among and within these groups was a serious factor in reducing the effectiveness of Angolan nationalists. Partly as a result of discontent over the prolonged colonial wars, elements of the Portuguese Armed Forces overthrew the regime of Portuguese dictator Marcelo Caetano in April 1974, and it was decided to grant immediate independence to the African colonies. In January 1975, the Portuguese and the three liberation movements worked out a complicated agreement-the Alvor Accord-which provided for a transitional government composed of all three groups and for elections in preparation for independence in November 1975. After a shaky existence, the transitional government collapsed during the summer of 1975. By then, fighting had begun in several cities among MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA forces. The history of the Alvor Accord period is unclear and subject to different interpretations. However, lack of Portuguese will and/or ability to maintain an orderly transition to independence made fighting inevitable. The three liberation movements sought to consolidate control over their natural areas of support-the FNLA in the north, the MPLA in the area surrounding Luanda, and UNITA in the south-and to establish a secure presence in Luanda, the capital. As these areas overlapped, clashes were frequent. Because each group had a long list of external supporters-the MPLA from the Soviets, Cubans, Nigeria, Sweden, and Denmark, and FNLA/UNITA from the United States, the People's Republic of China, France, Great Britain, Romania, North Korea, Zaire, and South Africa-internationalization of the conflict was not improbable. In late 1974, the FNLA, with help from Zaire, moved forces into northern Angola and, in early 1975, seized the town of Caxito (35 mi. north of Luanda). In March, the MPLA a self-proclaimed Marxist movement, began receiving considerable amounts of Soviet weapons. Cuban military advisers arrived in June 1975. By mid-summer, the United States was supplying arms to both the FNLA and UNITA. The FNLA, led by Holden Roberto, and UNITA, led by Jonas Savimbi, had indicated a pro-Western orientation. In August, South African forces occupied Angolan territory along the Namibian border, ostensibly to protect a hydroelectric project. By October 1975, some 5,000 South African troops were fighting alongside UNITA and FNLA troops in a march toward Luanda that covered 500 miles in 3 weeks. Additional Cuban advisers arrived in early October and, at the MPLA's request, Cuban combat troops began landing in Angola soon after. By February 1976, the number of Cubans had grown to about 15,000. In October 1975, the FNLA, once again supported by Zaire, began a final attempt to capture Luanda before independence day. The MPLA, using the edge it had acquired in modern Soviet-supplied weaponry, stopped the FNLA drive 12 miles north of the capital. The MPLA was therefore in control of Luanda on November 11 when Portugal ceded power without recognizing an Angolan government. U.S. assistance to the FNLA and UNITA ceased following congressional votes-by the Senate in December 1975 and by the House in January 1976-prohibiting all direct and indirect military or paramilitary assistance to any group in Angola. South African forces withdrew and, by March, Cuban and Soviet support for the MPLA proved decisive. The MPLA established control over most of Angola. The FNLA reverted to guerrilla warfare in northern Angola, and Holden Roberto permanently left the country. UNITA retreated to the southeastern corner of Angola and carried out low-level guerrilla operations in the central highlands and eastern areas. In February 1976, the Organization of African Unity (which before the South African intervention had been split between support for the MPLA and for national reconciliation) recognized the MPLA. During the 11 years since independence, the FNLA has been rent by divisions and reorganizations and is no longer a military threat to the MPLA. UNITA, which appealed to South Africa for continued assistance as other sources of external support were discontinued, has on the other hand steadily increased the level and expanded the scope of its operations and now poses a major challenge. Savimbi has remained leader of UNITA and has remained in Angola throughout the postindependence period. Angola's history since 1975 has been characterized by intensification of the civil war, its involvement in regional conflicts, and turmoil within the ruling MPLA. Longstanding divisions within the MPLA resulted in an uprising against the government led by Interior Minister Nito Alves in May 1977. Although several MPLA leaders were killed, the government, with Cuban assistance, succeeded in quelling the revolt. President Dos Santos, who became president in 1979 after the death of Agostinho Neto, spent his early years in office consolidating power under these difficult conditions. During 1977-78, the Front for the Liberation of the Congo (FLNC), operating from bases in Angola, launched two invasions of Zaire through Shaba Province. These invasions were defeated, and in 1978 Zaire and Angola reached an understanding that neither country would support opposition movements aimed at the other. Since independence, Angola has been deeply involved in efforts to obtain independence for Namibia. The South West African People's Organization (SWAPO) conducts operations into Namibia from Angolan territory, and negotiations to implement UN Security Council Resolution 435 of 1978, providing for Namibian independence, have directly or indirectly focused on the issue of Cuban combat forces in Angola. Angola also provides assistance to the African National Congress. Political Conditions Since 1976, Angola has been politically unstable because of political maneuvering within the ruling MPLA, civil war with UNITA, and repeated incursions by South African forces operating from Namibia. During the past 5 years, UNITA has expanded its operations from bases in southeastern Angola to virtually all areas of the country. With the exception of a lower level of fighting in Namibe and Luanda, sustained, intensified fighting between MPLA forces and UNITA guerrilla forces is taking place in most of the provinces. UNITA has publicly emphasized its intention to expand the fighting to all areas of Angola, including Cabinda, and has warned foreigners against traveling in contested areas. Estimates of the area that UNITA controls vary, but it appears to hold most of Moxico and Cuando Cubango provinces, about one-quarter of the country. UNITA's base of support has been among the Ovimbundu, Chokwe, and Nganguela, but dissatisfaction with the MPLA is not confined to those groups. UNITA has made a sustained effort to be self-sufficient but continues to rely on South African and other sources of external support. Savimbi has emphasized that UNITA's goal is national reconciliation in Angola and that UNITA is prepared to enter into talks with the MPLA toward this objective. He has also stated that he supports a settlement in southern Africa involving implementation of the UN plan for Namibia and the withdrawal of foreign forces from Angola. UNITA's military operations have disrupted the economy and have made effective MPLA administration throughout much of the countryside and small towns difficult, but the MPLA maintains control over all provincial capitals. UNITA administers areas it controls but has never established a separate government structure; in fact, Savimbi has emphasized his support for national unity and has condemned separatism. The FNLA, sometimes referred to as the Military Committee for the Resistance in Angola (COMIRA), no longer poses a military threat to the government. The Front for the Liberation of Cabinda (FLEC), in conjunction with UNITA, carries out low-level activity in Cabinda. Factionalism within the MPLA has also contributed to political instability. Since independence, there have been frequent personnel shifts within the party, in part reflecting maneuvering between various party factions. Factional divisions are based on personality, ethnic and racial lines, and ideological differences. Although since 1977 open conflict generally has not characterized the leadership, decisionmaking remains largely immobilized by political infighting. President Dos Santos so far has been unable to unite the various factions around common approaches to Angola's most pressing problems. The MPLA's Second Party Congress, held in December 1985, purged or demoted many prominent ideologues and mesticos from top positions. Dos Santos replaced them with his closest supporters. However, leadership changes in the government that were expected after the Party Congress, including the appointment of a prime minister, did not materialize. Instead, Dos Santos created three superministries in the economic sphere. Reportedly, these three ministries, with overlapping responsibilities, have been a further focus of infighting. (Dos Santos did not create a similar superministry for defense and security; these ministers report directly to him.) Dos Santos recently has stressed, in public, the need to combat corruption and has been openly critical of past performance by government and party officials. The intensification and expansion of the war has led to increasing charges and countercharges by the MPLA and UNITA of alleged human rights violations, including arbitrary executions, intimidation of civilian populations, and detention of political prisoners. In November 1982, President Dos Santos was given special emergency powers to deal with economic and security problems. During 1983 he established Regional Military Councils throughout Angola with special powers to confiscate goods and personnel without compensation and to try crimes against the state. People's vigilante brigades also have been established. In the absence of a negotiated settlement to the war, security is expected to continue to deteriorate, with concomitant effects on the political situation within the country. Source: U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, June 1987. </body> </article> </text>